Mansa Musa, or Kanku Musa (Kanku, or Kongo, was his mother's name), was undoubtedly the most celebrated king of Mali. Despite this, there are fewer songs and stories about him in the Western Sudanese oral tradition than about Sundiat, although the latter was not known in Europe.
In the Arabic chronicles, Mansa Musa and the time of his reign, especially his Hajj to Mecca, are fairly well covered. The most reliable and most frequently cited chroniclers are Ibn Fadlallah al-Omari, Ibn Battuta and Ibn Khaldun.
Most important information about the reign of Mansa Musa we find among his contemporaries. Nevertheless, the time of his reign is dated in different ways. Its beginning is most often attributed to 1312, but about the end of historians different views. According to most of them, the period of power of Mansa Musa lasted until 1337, but some indicate 1332.
The time of Mansa Musa is reasonably considered the heyday of the Malian empire. The most important reason for the spread of the fame of Mansa Musa beyond the borders of Black Africa, right up to Europe, was the Hajj, which he performed in Mecca in 1324. Historians are unanimous that Mansa Musa made this trip to show the outside world, and, before all, to the Arab rulers of the coast mediterranean sea how rich he and his country are. There is no doubt that the black king, who made a journey from a distant country of inner Africa through the Sahara, made an impression on the peoples and sovereigns through whose lands he went. His retinue was striking in its numbers. According to the Tarikh al-Fattash chronicle, there were 80 thousand people in it!
Another chronicle, Tarikh as-Sudan, calls the number 20 thousand less. Oral tradition tells of 777 hundreds of men and 400 hundreds of women. Since the king knew that traveling with such a retinue would be expensive, he took with him the appropriate travel treasury: they say he carried tons of gold, partly in the form of golden staffs, partly golden sand.
Although more or less accurate information about the journey of Mansa Musa can be obtained from the Arab chronicles, oral tradition has preserved amazing details about this historical event.
Tradition, by the way, mentions by name many famous people from the inner circle of Mansa Moussa. There is unusually accurate information about the supply of the caravan and the schedule of its movement.
The vanguard, led by the griot Silman Ban, consisted, according to legend, of 500 slaves, each of which included, along with other things, a golden staff in his personal equipment. From the beginning of the journey, the distance between this avant-garde and the main part of the travelers was greatly extended: the avant-garde was already entering Timbuktu, and the king was still in his palace. It was not the slowness of Mansa Musa, but the fact that some of his advisers urged him to leave the capital on Saturday, which would fall on the twelfth day of the month, and such a Saturday came only after a nine-month wait. And the other day of the week is memorable in connection with the journey of the mansa: in every city where he arrived on Friday, he ordered the construction of a mosque.
Going on a journey, Mansa Musa charged both money and food from his people. But on the way, he ate not only what he took away from his native country. Chroniclers say that even in the center of the Sahara, the king enjoyed fresh fish and vegetables, which he received thanks to a well-established postal service. But the king's meals were not the greatest luxury during his journey: the wife of the mansa, Nieriba Conde, showed more imagination in using her position. Her wasteful whims are mentioned both in chronicles and in oral tradition.
Traveling for a long time across the sandy desert, Nieriba Conde one fine evening told her husband that she suffered from a terrible itch and she had to bathe at all costs, and preferably in running water. Somewhat discouraged by an inappropriate request, the king left his tent and went to confer with the fama, the head of the group. In an instant, 8,700 people of the royal servants were awakened, and they began to dig a pool for the royal wife!
According to the chronicle, the next morning the first rays of the sun could already play in the water of this pool, dug out in the middle of a sandy desert. To the general delight, it even had the same whirlpools as in Niger, which the queen so dreamed of. Whirlpools arose when water was poured into the reservoir from waterskins.
Fama, who completed this building task, beamed with satisfaction and offered glory to Allah and the queen. Perhaps greatly exaggerating, Mahmoud Kati reports in Tarikh al-Fattash that the queen rode into the pool on the back of a mule and with her 500 girls of her retinue rushed to bathe there with enthusiastic cries.
The oral tradition tells about this episode in a slightly different way, although in no more reliable form: the wife of Mansa Musa did not bathe in a pool dug out by people, but in a lake that appeared by the will of Allah in response to the prayers of the king!
Mansa Musa crossed the Sahara, passing through the Taodenni salt mines, that is, through Valata, Tuat and Tegazza. Cairo was the most important stopping place on the way, and it was from there that stories about the wealth of Mansa Musa spread throughout the world. According to al-Omari, even 12 years after the Hajj, his generosity was well remembered in Cairo.
“This man poured out his generosity in a wave to the whole of Cairo. There was not a single courtier or other official in the entire Sultanate who did not receive a gift of gold from him. How nicely he carried himself, what dignity, what modesty!
Mansa Musa was distinguished by truly royal dignity, although he could neither read nor write Arabic and always went to advice with an interpreter. At the Cairo palace, Mansa Musa was bombarded with questions. He managed to tell the Egyptians both about the voyage of his predecessor and about the boundaries of his land, which he somewhat exaggerated: he said that his land is so huge that it takes a whole year to cross it. He also spoke of its gold and copper mines and of neighboring peoples. When one of the courtiers mistakenly called him the king of Tekrur, he became somewhat angry, saying: "Tekrur is only a part of my possessions."
And Mansa Musa managed to demonstrate his dignity to the Sultan of Cairo: he refused to make a petition. "Why should I do this?" - he got angry, but immediately showed resourcefulness in order to maintain his prestige and at the same time fulfill the requirements of etiquette. Appearing in front of the Sultan, he touched his forehead to the floor, but at the same time exclaimed that he was bowing to Allah, who created him, and the ruler of the world.
Cairo merchants shamelessly speculated on the benevolence of Mansa Musa and his retinue, their direct ignorance: for the goods that the Malians wanted to purchase, the merchants racked up exorbitant prices, and they resignedly paid. Malian gold, which was used to buy textiles, slaves and singers, undermined Cairo's economy as its unexpected abundance shook the established price system. Relations between the Malians and the Cairo also worsened, as Mansa Musa eventually realized that he and his companions were being led by the nose.
Royal generosity did not lead to good: Musa's money and the money accumulated by the generations of his predecessors ran out, and he had to borrow from a Cairo merchant. He, however, had nothing against: the trust in the black king in Cairo was great. Mansa Musa in Cairo, however, did not squander his entire fortune. And to this day, legends are alive in Mali about how Mansa Hajj Musa, that is, the pilgrim king Musa, later, in Mecca, bought houses and lands for black pilgrims.
Both according to oral traditions and Arabic chronicles, Mansa Musa had a reputation as a devout Muslim. But along with this, the legends from Dioma and Hamana tell that on his return from Mecca he carried 1444 fetishes with him, which means that he did not completely abandon animism. Nian, however, emphasizes that those sacred books that he acquired in large numbers in Cairo and Mecca could also be “fetishes”. In any case, there is reason to believe that, although Mansa Musa was a law-abiding Muslim, most of the Malian people managed to keep their animistic gods. It is said that Mansa Musa's son eventually renounced his father's faith and returned to the old gods of his people.
According to the story of al-Omari, Mansa Musa, who had an army of 100 thousand infantry and 10 thousand horsemen, did not at any stage try to start a holy war against the “infidels” living in the south. He apparently came to the conclusion that peaceful coexistence with the Dyalonke tribe, guarding the gold placers, best ensures the continuity of the gold flow.
And with the tribes living in the zone of tropical rainforests, Mansa Musa conducted a profitable trade, bringing from there, among other things, kola nuts and palm oil. Some neighboring countries, and above all the state of the Mosi people, which occupied lands in the bend of the Niger, could, in all likelihood, give a due rebuff if Mansa Musa started a war for faith.
Although Mansa Musa adhered to religious tolerance, he saw in Islam an important factor in raising the level of culture of the people. Arab chroniclers so exalt the steadfastness of Mansa Musa in matters of faith that historians consider this a reason to believe that under him the teachings of the Koran were obligatory in the capital.
Mansa Musa returned from Mecca to Mali in 1325. The return journey went through Ghadames and Agadez. The king, who, saving porters, traveled on the back of a camel, was accompanied by teachers of Islam, scholars and scholars of Sharia. The man who spent many hours in this society was the architect Abu Ishaq, a native of Granada, better known as al-Saheli.
Being in the service of Mansa Musa, he built in Timbuktu, which during this brilliant period of the history of Mali became the most important center for the study of Islam, the Jingareber and Sankore mosques, as well as the madugu - the royal palace. As-Saheli laid the foundation for a new style of construction in Western Sudan - the “Sahelian”, or “Mansa Musa style”, from which, however, little has survived, because wars, especially in the 16th century, destroyed these buildings. But there is no doubt that al-Saheli was the first architect in Western Sudan who used fired bricks in construction.
When Mansa Musa was just returning from Mecca, he received news that his junior commander Sagamanja had conquered the city of Gao, the center of the Songhai people. Hearing this, the king changed his route in order to familiarize himself with his new possessions and strengthen his position there. Gao was then ruled by the Za or Dya dynasty.
To enlist the loyalty of the new vassal, Mansa Musa took with him two sons of Dya Assiboy - Ali Kolen and Suleiman Nari.
Going to Mecca, Mansa Musa appointed his son, Mansa Magan, as regent. According to al-Omari, Mansa Musa intended to renounce the crown in favor of his son upon returning home and again leave for Mecca to live closer to the holy places of Islam, but this plan remained unfulfilled, because, according to the same al-Omari, Mansa Musa died before he could abdicate.
This short message of al-Omari aroused a lot of controversy among scientists, as it was in conflict with other information about the death of Mansa Musa. It is usually said that the king returned from the hajj in 1325 and therefore, according to al-Omari, he died at the same time. But Ibn Khaldun, for his part, claims that Mansa Musa wanted to establish contact with the Sultan of Fes in Morocco, Abu-l-Hasan, in order to congratulate him on his victory in the battle of Tlemcen, and since the battle took place only in 1337, then the mansa Musa was alive at that time.
But, having sent envoys to Fez, Mansa Musa, apparently, soon died, for the envoys of Abu-l-Hasan, who went to Mali on a return visit, met not with Musa, but with Mansa Suleiman.
Between these visits, however, at least five years passed, since Mansa Musa was succeeded by his son Magan, and only after four years of his reign, Musa's brother Mansa Suleiman became king, who gave an audience to the envoys of the Moroccan Sultan. Thus, the mention of al-Omari about the death of Mansa Musa immediately after the Hajj is unreliable, and the famous king of Mali died only in 1337.
Mansa Musa
Mansa Musa, or Kanku Musa (Kanku, or Kongo, was his mother's name), was undoubtedly the most celebrated king of Mali. Despite this, there are fewer songs and stories about him in the Western Sudanese oral tradition than about Sundiat, although the latter was not known in Europe.
In the Arabic chronicles, Mansa Musa and the time of his reign, especially his Hajj to Mecca, are fairly well covered. The most reliable and most often quoted chroniclers are Ibn Fadlallah al-Omari, Ibn Battuta and Ibn Khaldun (Al-Omari, who wrote his chronicle in 1342-1346, obviously did not meet Mansa Musa himself; among his informants was, apparently Sheikh Abu Said Usman ad-Dukkali, who is known to have lived in Mali for 35 years.Ibn Battuta traveled around Mali in 1352-1353, that is, 15 years after the end of the reign of Mansa Musa.Ibn Khaldun is often considered the most authoritative source on the history of Mali. He traveled to North Africa and reconstructed the royal genealogies of Mali so well that even today the chronology of this country is largely based on his information. His most knowledgeable informants about Mansa Musa were al-Hajj Yunus, a translator (perhaps an ambassador Egypt in Mali), and al-Mu "amar Abu Abdallah ibn Khadija al-Kumi, who met with the Mansa in Ghadames and even joined his retinue when the king returned from the Hajj. Ibn Khaldun was born in Tunisia in 1332, that is five years before the end and the reign of Mansa Musa. His historical works, which are considered the most outstanding for that time, he wrote in Egypt in 1387-1400. - Approx. auth.).
We find the most important information about the reign of Mansa Musa from his contemporaries. Nevertheless, the time of his reign is dated in different ways. Its beginning is most often attributed to 1312, but historians have different ideas about the end. According to most of them, the period of power of Mansa Musa lasted until 1337, but some indicate 1332.
The time of Mansa Musa is reasonably considered the heyday of the Malian empire. The most important reason for the spread of the fame of Mansa Musa beyond the borders of Black Africa, right up to Europe, was the Hajj, which he performed in Mecca in 1324. Historians are unanimous that Mansa Musa made this trip to show the outside world, and, before of all, to the Arab rulers of the Mediterranean coast, how rich he and his country are. There is no doubt that the black king, who made a journey from a distant country of inner Africa through the Sahara, made an impression on the peoples and sovereigns through whose lands he went. His retinue was striking in its numbers. According to the Tarikh al-Fattash chronicle, there were 80 thousand people in it! (The Tarikh al-Fattash chronicle speaks not of 80, but of 8 thousand people in the retinue of Mansa Musa; but even this number seems to be at least three times exaggerated in comparison with the usual size of the caravan across the Sahara. - Approx. ed.)
Another chronicle, Tarikh as-Sudan, calls the number 20 thousand less. Oral tradition tells of 777 hundreds of men and 400 hundreds of women. Since the king knew that traveling with such a retinue would be expensive, he took with him the appropriate travel treasury: they say he carried tons of gold, partly in the form of golden staffs, partly golden sand.
Although more or less accurate information about the journey of Mansa Musa can be obtained from the Arab chronicles, oral tradition has preserved amazing details about this historical event.
Tradition, by the way, mentions by name many famous people from the inner circle of Mansa Musa (According to folklore, the inner circle of Mansa Musa included, among other things, Tunku Magnum, the beloved servant of Mansa Musa’s wife, Nieriba Conde, a rhapsodist woman, “sweet-voiced” Tunku Manian, the royal marabouts Kan Toure, Kan Kise and the griot Sirimamban; according to Nian, this was the same Silman Bana who, according to the chronicle Tarikh al-Fattash, led the vanguard in the royal hajj, and the interpreter Mamadou Kouyate. auth.). There is unusually accurate information about the supply of the caravan and the schedule of its movement.
The vanguard, led by the griot Silman Ban, consisted, according to legend, of 500 slaves, each of which included, along with other things, a golden staff in his personal equipment. From the beginning of the journey, the distance between this avant-garde and the main part of the travelers was greatly extended: the avant-garde was already entering Timbuktu, and the king was still in his palace. It was not the slowness of Mansa Musa, but the fact that some of his advisers urged him to leave the capital on Saturday, which would fall on the twelfth day of the month, and such a Saturday came only after a nine-month wait. And the other day of the week is memorable in connection with the journey of the mansa: in every city where he arrived on Friday, he ordered the construction of a mosque.
Going on a journey, Mansa Musa charged both money and food from his people. But on the way, he ate not only what he took away from his native country. Chroniclers say that even in the center of the Sahara, the king enjoyed fresh fish and vegetables, which he received thanks to a well-established postal service. But the king's meals were not the greatest luxury during his journey: the wife of the mansa, Nieriba Conde, showed more imagination in using her position. Her wasteful whims are mentioned both in chronicles and in oral tradition.
Riding for a long time across the sandy desert, Nieriba Conde one fine evening told her husband that she suffered from a terrible itch and she had to bathe at all costs, and preferably in running water. Somewhat discouraged by an inappropriate request, the king left his tent and went to confer with the fama, the head of the group. In an instant, 8,700 people of the royal servants were awakened, and they began to dig a pool for the royal wife!
According to the chronicle, the next morning the first rays of the sun could already play in the water of this pool, dug out in the middle of a sandy desert. To the general delight, it even had the same whirlpools as in Niger, which the queen so dreamed of. Whirlpools arose when water was poured into the reservoir from waterskins.
Fama, who completed this building task, beamed with satisfaction and offered glory to Allah and the queen. Perhaps greatly exaggerating, Mahmoud Kati reports in Tarikh al-Fattash that the queen rode into the pool on the back of a mule and with her 500 girls of her retinue rushed to bathe there with enthusiastic cries.
The oral tradition tells about this episode in a slightly different way, although in no more reliable form: the wife of Mansa Musa did not bathe in a pool dug out by people, but in a lake that appeared by the will of Allah in response to the prayers of the king!
Mansa Musa crossed the Sahara, passing through the Taodenni salt mines, that is, through Valata, Tuat and Tegazza. Cairo was the most important stopping place on the way, and it was from there that stories about the wealth of Mansa Musa spread throughout the world. According to al-Omari, even 12 years after the Hajj, his generosity was well remembered in Cairo.
“This man poured out his generosity in a wave to the whole of Cairo. There was not a single courtier or other official in the entire Sultanate who did not receive a gift of gold from him. How nicely he carried himself, what dignity, what modesty!
Mansa Musa was distinguished by truly royal dignity, although he could neither read nor write Arabic and always went to advice with an interpreter. At the Cairo palace, Mansa Musa was bombarded with questions. He managed to tell the Egyptians both about the voyage of his predecessor and about the boundaries of his land, which he somewhat exaggerated: he said that his land is so huge that it takes a whole year to cross it. He also spoke of its gold and copper mines and of neighboring peoples. When one of the courtiers mistakenly called him the king of Tekrur, he became somewhat angry, saying: "Tekrur is only a part of my possessions."
And Mansa Musa managed to demonstrate his dignity to the Sultan of Cairo: he refused to make a petition. "Why should I do this?" - he was angry, but immediately showed resourcefulness in order to maintain his prestige and at the same time fulfill the requirements of etiquette. Appearing in front of the Sultan, he touched his forehead to the floor, but at the same time exclaimed that he was bowing to Allah, who created him, and the ruler of the world.
Cairo merchants shamelessly speculated on the benevolence of Mansa Musa and his retinue, their direct ignorance: for the goods that the Malians wanted to purchase, the merchants racked up exorbitant prices, and they resignedly paid. Malian gold, which was used to buy textiles, slaves and singers, undermined Cairo's economy as its unexpected abundance shook the established price system. Relations between the Malians and the Cairo also worsened, as Mansa Musa eventually realized that he and his companions were being led by the nose.
Royal generosity did not lead to good: Musa's money and the money accumulated by the generations of his predecessors ran out, and he had to borrow from a Cairo merchant. He, however, had nothing against: the trust in the black king in Cairo was great. Mansa Musa in Cairo, however, did not squander his entire fortune. And to this day, legends are alive in Mali about how Mansa Hajj Musa, that is, the pilgrim king Musa, later, in Mecca, bought houses and lands for black pilgrims.
Both according to oral traditions and Arabic chronicles, Mansa Musa had a reputation as a devout Muslim. But along with this, the legends from Dioma and Hamana tell that on his return from Mecca, he brought 1444 fetishes with him (The number 1444 cannot be taken literally, it is simply an indication of a large number. It is repeated in other places in the oral tradition of Western Sudan, in particular in legends about Sundiata.
Almost all figures of the oral tradition, especially large ones, should be taken conditionally. - Approx. auth.), which means that he did not completely abandon animism. Nian, however, emphasizes that those sacred books that he acquired in large numbers in Cairo and Mecca could also be “fetishes”. In any case, there is reason to believe that, although Mansa Musa was a law-abiding Muslim, most of the Malian people managed to keep their animistic gods. It is said that Mansa Musa's son eventually renounced his father's faith and returned to the old gods of his people.
According to the story of al-Omari, Mansa Musa, who had an army of 100 thousand infantry and 10 thousand horsemen, did not at any stage try to start a holy war against the “infidels” living in the south. He apparently came to the conclusion that peaceful coexistence with the Dyalonke tribe, guarding the gold placers, best ensures the continuity of the gold flow.
And with the tribes living in the zone of tropical rainforests, Mansa Musa conducted a profitable trade, bringing from there, among other things, kola nuts and palm oil. Some neighboring countries, and above all the state of the Mosi people, which occupied lands in the bend of the Niger, could, in all likelihood, give a due rebuff if Mansa Musa started a war for faith.
Although Mansa Musa adhered to religious tolerance, he saw in Islam an important factor in raising the level of culture of the people. Arab chroniclers so exalt the steadfastness of Mansa Musa in matters of faith that historians consider this a reason to believe that under him the teachings of the Koran were obligatory in the capital.
Mansa Musa returned from Mecca to Mali in 1325. The return journey went through Ghadames and Agadez. The king, who, saving porters, traveled on the back of a camel, was accompanied by teachers of Islam, scholars and scholars of Sharia. The man who spent many hours in this society was the architect Abu Ishaq, a native of Granada, better known as al-Saheli.
Being in the service of Mansa Musa, he built in Timbuktu, which during this brilliant period of the history of Mali became the most important center for the study of Islam, the Jingareber and Sankore mosques, as well as the madugu - the royal palace. As-Saheli laid the foundation for a new style of construction in Western Sudan - the “Sahelian”, or “mansa Musa style”, from which, however, little has survived, because wars, especially in the 16th century, destroyed these buildings. But there is no doubt that al-Saheli was the first architect in Western Sudan who used baked bricks in construction. raw brick. - Approx. ed.).
When Mansa Musa was just returning from Mecca, he received news that his junior commander Sagamanja had conquered the city of Gao, the center of the Songhai people. Hearing this, the king changed his route in order to familiarize himself with his new possessions and strengthen his position there. Gao was then ruled by the Za or Dya dynasty.
To enlist the loyalty of the new vassal, Mansa Musa took with him two sons of Dya Assiboy - Ali Kolen and Suleiman Nari (According to more credible information, the taking of Ali Kolen and Suleiman Nari as hostages took place half a century earlier, around 1275, when he was subordinated to the authorities Malian rulers of the city of Gao. - Approx. ed.).
Going to Mecca, Mansa Musa appointed his son, Mansa Magan, as regent. According to al-Omari, Mansa Musa intended to renounce the crown in favor of his son upon returning home and again leave for Mecca to live closer to the holy places of Islam, but this plan remained unfulfilled, because, according to the same al-Omari, Mansa Musa died before he could abdicate.
This short message of al-Omari aroused a lot of controversy among scientists, as it was in conflict with other information about the death of Mansa Musa. It is usually said that the king returned from the Hajj in 1325 and, therefore, he, according to al-Omari, died at the same time (Al-Omari's information corroborates Ibn Khaldun's report that Mansa Musa died before he could pay his debts to the Cairo However, this message cannot be considered undeniable, since Ibn Battuta and al-Omari make it clear that the debt was nevertheless paid. - Approx. Aut.). But Ibn Khaldun, for his part, claims that Mansa Musa wanted to establish contact with the Sultan of Fez in Morocco, Abu-l-Hasan, in order to congratulate him on his victory in the battle of Tlemcen, and since the battle took place only in 1337, then the mansa Musa was alive at that time.
But, having sent envoys to Fes, Mansa Musa, apparently, soon died, because the envoys of Abu-l-Hasan, who went to Mali on a return visit, met not with Musa, but with Mansa Suleiman (Ibn Khaldun reports that the envoys of Abu-l-Hasan l-Hasana met with Mansa Suleiman, who, in his opinion, was the son of Mansa Musa. This is a mistake: Mansa Suleiman was the brother, not the son of Mansa Musa. Some argue that this is not about Mansa Suleiman, but about Magan, really the son Mansa Musa, who reigned after his death for four years.But it seems more likely that the chronicler made a mistake in determining family relations, and not in the name of the king, therefore it is believed that it is still about Mansa Suleiman, and not about Magan. auth.).
Between these visits, however, at least five years passed, since Mansa Musa was succeeded by his son Magan, and only after four years of his reign, Musa's brother Mansa Suleiman became king, who gave an audience to the envoys of the Moroccan Sultan. Thus, the mention of al-Omari about the death of Mansa Musa immediately after the Hajj is unreliable, and the famous king of Mali died only in 1337.
Wealth of Mali
Under Mansa Musa, at the time of the highest prosperity of Mali, the state extended from east to west from Tadmekka, lying in the desert, to the Atlantic coast, and in the south to the belt of tropical rainforests, that is, it included the territory of modern Senegal, Gambia, Guinea, Mauritania and Mali. Ancient Mali was once the most powerful state in West Africa.
The wealth of Mali was determined by three the most important factors. First of all, part of the gold mines of Western Sudan was located in the country, that is, they were under the direct control of Mansa Musa. This is the decisive difference between Mali and ancient Ghana - the kings of Ghana did not have direct control over gold mining. Secondly, Mansa Musa controlled the most important caravan routes of West Africa and levied additional duties on goods coming from the Mediterranean coast. And finally, during the reign of Mansa Musa, peace reigned in Western Sudan. This partly depended on the size of the Mali army: the king had 100,000 infantry and 10,000 cavalry. At the same time, the tolerance of the ruler, which is often glorified in the chronicles, influenced the peaceful situation. Mansa Musa sought to preserve a good relationship with the small peoples of his country, especially with those that were important for the economy of the state, as well as with neighbors, primarily with the sultans of Fez and Egypt, to whom, as you know, he sent princely gifts in order to maintain peace. Even the annexation of the territory of Gao to Mali did not disturb the peace, because the ruler of Gao Dya Assiboy, apparently, realized that he would not be able to repel the troops of Mansa Musa, and decided without bloodshed to agree to pay tribute as a sign of his vassal dependence.
The consequence of control over trade routes was the emergence of new shopping centers in Mali. After the defeat of Ghana, trading centers moved from Audagosta and Kumbi Sale to Timbuktu, Djenne and Gao. At the same time, Timbuktu was not only a trading center, but also the center of Muslim education, which attracted scholars and researchers even from the Mediterranean countries.
About the wealth of Mali at the time of Mansa Musa are available in the highest degree interesting information. Some historians even give very accurate figures, in particular Nian writes, referring to R. Moni, that Mansa Musa collected 12,750 kg of gold in his country for the Hajj. Others are content with more general data. But, at any rate, it is historically certain that, thanks to the riches of Musa, the price of gold in Cairo fell and it took twelve years for gold prices in this most important trading center to begin to stabilize.
Something about the wealth of Mali can be learned from the most reliable information about salaries and prices that have come down to our time. According to al-Omari, at the Malian court, the annual salary of courtiers (“worthy people”) was 50 thousand mithqals, which is equivalent to 236 kg of gold, if we take largest size misqal - 4.729 g, and if you take it smallest size- 3.54 g, then this will be 177 kg. Whichever of these figures is correct, it is clear that we are talking about a very significant amount; moreover, many high-ranking persons received horses, formal clothes and lands from the sovereign.
The mention of horses is important, because in Western Sudan they were especially highly valued. There is no exact information about the cost of horses at that time, but comparative data is enough to calculate the price ratio. According to Raymond Moni, from 7 to 15 slaves were paid for one horse bought from the Portuguese (the Portuguese preferred slaves to gold), and one adult slave was worth in Sudan in the 16th century. from 50 to 80 mithqals. Although prices refer to different centuries, but if they are considered as indicative, then it can be calculated that during the time of Mansa Musa, a horse cost from one to two and a half kilograms of gold. If we recall that there were 10 thousand horsemen in the army of Mansa Musa, it is easy to imagine how much it cost to maintain it. Undoubtedly, Mansa Musa received part of the horses as tribute from vassals, but often they had to pay a high price for them - in slaves or gold.
Mansa Musa was human towards the slaves. Only in the vanguard during the Hajj there were 500 of them, and it is said that he freed one slave every day as a token of his mercy. This indicates that there were extremely many slaves. The very emancipation of the slaves, naturally, reflected the attitude of the king to this issue. Of course, it was about gaining popularity, but, on the other hand, nothing forced Mansa Musa to do this - the position of African kings in their society was quite indisputable. Distribution of rewards, whether it be gold, expensive horses or the gift of freedom, was ultimately aimed at maintaining the entire state system generally. Since Mali (like Ghana) was not a one-national country, the unity of the state had to be maintained with the help of a strong state power. In this Mansa Musa succeeded more than his successors.
It is impossible to determine exactly what share Sundiata contributed to the management organization and what share Musa contributed. Arab chroniclers are inclined to attribute all merit in this respect to the share of Musa; historians of our time - primarily African - tend to emphasize the role of Sundiata as the creator of the government system. In any case, Mansa Musa ruled the country with the help of a network of trusted officials. At the head of the lands were farba, and cities and villages - mokrifi. Together they constituted a system of central government, in which the king enjoyed absolute power. Mansa Musa could have exercised power as he pleased, so undeniable was his position. But it should be remembered that African society in those days could also react very effectively if the ruler began to behave like an idiot: "The Khalifa was quickly overthrown when he began to shoot his subjects with a bow," even the autocrat could not act so arbitrarily.
Mansa Musa admired the style and splendor of the Mediterranean countries, and this was reflected in his clothes, in the decoration of the buildings of the palace and the capital. Al-Omari writes that at the court of Mali they wore turbans in the Arabic style and snow-white clothes, made very skillfully from local cotton fabrics. The king stood out among the courtiers with his colorful robes, which, according to al-Omari, testified to his bad taste: to dress like this."
Al-Omari describes the throne of Mansa: “The sultan of that country sits in his palace on a large platform, on the sides of which are the tusks of an elephant ... His golden weapon is nearby ... Behind him is a crowd of sons of the kings of his country ... One of them holds a silk umbrella with a golden pommel and a bird ".
A completely different and obviously fantastic portrait of Mansa Musa was drawn by Abraham Cresques, a Jewish cartographer from Mallorca, who in 1375 drew the so-called Catalan map. It is important that Mansa Musa is depicted on it at all, because European cartographers were not interested in inner Africa. But on the map of Creskes, on the site of Western Sudan, local names are marked that can be identified: Sigilmessa - Sigilmasa; Geu-Geu - Gao-Gao, Guinea - Guinea; Tenbukh - Timbuktu.
Mansa Musa, however, is drawn so primitively that it is difficult to understand how some historians took the risk of speculating from this drawing about how the king actually looked. He sits on a European-type throne, and his face is more European than African, although the beard painted by the artist makes it difficult to see the face. On the head of the king is not a turban, but a golden crown of the European type. IN right hand he has a power, of course, gold, and on his left shoulder lies a golden scepter. These golden insignias of power make it clear why he appeared on the map at all: rumors of his wealth, therefore, reached Europe or at least Mallorca 40 years after his death. But there is still one really accurate detail on the Catalan map: an Arab on a camel is drawn to the left of the king of Mali: this is a merchant who, quite obviously, is going to Mansa Musa to conclude a trade deal.
Weak ruler Magan I
Mansa Musa was succeeded by his son Magan I, who, by all accounts, was a weak ruler. He died after only four years in power. The time of his reign is 1337-1341. The oral tradition calls him Magan Soma Burema Kane (Name means: Magan Wizard Burema Beautiful. - Approx. Aut.). Despite the brevity of his rule, Magan managed to weaken Mali. Under him, the Songhai princes Ali Kolen and Suleiman Nar, brought by Mansa Musa (as hostages), fled to Gao. Mansa Musa was kind to them: he appointed Ali Colen, who proved himself a good warrior, as the head of one of the units of the Malian army. Taking advantage of his position, Ali Kolen stocked up on weapons for a future uprising in Songhai and, when Magan came to power, carried out his plan - he fled with weapons to Gao and renounced vassalage.
And Magan received another stab in the back: the ruler (Moro-Naba), Mosi Nasege, made a predatory raid on Timbuktu (My predatory campaign on Timbuktu is sometimes dated to 1335, but then one has to assume that the reign of Mansa Musa ended in 1332. The campaign took place , undoubtedly, under Magan. - Approx. auth.). Moya has always been opposed to the spread of Islam in Western Sudan, although under Mansa Musa they did not risk openly rising against Mali. But as soon as the ruler changed in Mali, they set off on a military campaign. Mosi pressed Mali later, under stronger rulers than Magan. As a result, this largest people of the Upper Volta managed to preserve their cultural traditions surprisingly well over the centuries.
When Magan died, his son was still a child, and power passed to Magan's paternal uncle and Mansa Musa's brother, Suleiman. Levcyon quite reasonably suggested that Mansa Musa insulted his brother, intentionally or unintentionally, making him regent for his son during the hajj, and that Suleiman never supported the young sovereign, but, on the contrary, only waited to take power himself.
Mansa Suleiman ascended the throne quite old, but managed to stop the collapse of the state. He even expanded the borders of Mali to the east, and in particular made the Tuareg leader Takkedu a vassal.
However, those Songhai tribes, whose center was Gao, failed to subjugate Mali again. Like his brother, Mansa Suleiman sought to maintain good relations with his northern neighbors. It is known that he sent luxurious gifts to the new Sultan of Fez, Abu Salim, congratulating him on his accession to the throne.
Ibn Battuta visits Mali
The most accurate and undoubtedly reliable picture of Mali in the time of Mansa Suleiman was given by Ibn Battuta, a famous traveler and cosmopolitan of his time. The credibility of his reports is supported by the fact that he was an experienced traveler: before Western Sudan, he visited many regions, including the Crimea, India, Samarkand, China and Sumatra. Ibn Battuta went to Mali with a caravan that left Sijilmasa on February 18, 1352, that is, a good ten years after Mansa Suleiman came to power. (Usually, the reign of Mansa Suleiman dates from 1341-1360.)
From Sijilmasa, Ibn Battuta reported that beautiful dates grow in abundance there. After 25 days, the caravan arrived at Tegazzu (Personal names and geographical names in this chapter are the same as those used by Ibn Battuta, except in those cases where it is safe to use the generally accepted names. - Approx. auth.), “a city in which there are neither cultural values nor natural resources. The houses in Tegaz are made of salt stone, the roofs are made of camel skins.” In the city, according to Ibn Battuta, there were no trees at all, only slaves who worked in the salt mines lived in it. They ate dates brought from Sijilmasa, camel meat and millet brought from the "Negro regions".
An Arab chronicler writes in detail about the prices of salt in Western Sudan: in Ayvalaten (Walat) a camel pack of salt cost from 8 to 10 mithqals of gold, and in the "city of Mali" - 20-30, sometimes even 40 misqals. Ibn Battuta says that the Negroes break off small pieces of salt and use them as money. Although Tegaza is a small town, according to an Arab chronicler, there are many merchants there. Ibn Battuta ends his description as follows: “We spent ten days in Tegazze, languishing and bored.”
From Tegazza, the path of Ibn Battuta lay in the aforementioned Walata, which took two months. Walata, according to Ibn Battuta, was an outpost of the Negro state. Traveling through the desert, the Arab chronicler studied the caravan system well. At the beginning of the journey, he led the caravan with several caravaners, but when one of them suddenly disappeared, Ibn Battuta went to the end, joining the majority. Since the way through the desert is long, caravans are in the habit of sending takshifs (heralds) ahead to announce in advance the arrival of the caravan to the next stage. Then local merchants come out with water to meet the caravan.
Ibn Battuta says that takshifs often disappear in the desert, as there are many demons who first mock the messenger and then kill him. The work of a guide in the desert is also complicated by the fact that the winds endlessly move the dunes from place to place. Ibn Battuta was surprised that their one-eyed guide knew the way better than "mere mortals."
Of the animals of the desert, Ibn Battuta mentions wild bulls. They are not difficult to catch, but caravaners do not eat their meat, as it causes thirst. If, however, a bull is sometimes caught, it is to find water in its stomach; some caravaners drank it with pleasure. In addition to bulls, the author also writes about snakes.
Arriving in Walatah, Ibn Battuta began to regret that he had gone on this journey at all. The Negroes seemed to him uneducated and did not seem to properly respect the "white man" (Speaking of the "whites", Ibn Battuta means the Arabs. - Approx. Aut.). He was also annoyed by the head of the farba city, Hokain (Hussein), who spoke to the traveler through an interpreter, which the Arab cosmopolitan, probably in vain, considered a sign of contempt. Nevertheless, Ibn Battuta stayed in Walat for seven weeks and was well cared for there. On the occasion of his arrival in the city, he, like other guests, was invited to a reception with the governor of Mensha Jow (“Mensha Jow”, more precisely, mansa-dyon, that is, “slave of the ruler”, a trusted slave of the mansa sat as governor in Valat, which ensured Mali effective control in one of the most important centers of trans-Saharan trade - Ed.). The Arab, who traveled a lot and tried many delicacies in his life, did not express delight about the treat at this dinner. “And for this we were invited here,” he disappointedly commented on the ceremonial dinner, which consisted of millet, honey and sour milk. “That is what the Negroes consider to be a great meal at a grand reception,” they answered him.
Although Ibn Battuta did not like Walat, he admitted that the city has its own the good side. Despite the growing palm trees, it was hot in the city, but the clothes of the inhabitants, usually brought from Egypt, were beautiful. And most of all, his recognition was won by women, for the most part belonging to the Berber tribe Mesufa. They were, besides being very beautiful, also more gifted and worthy of respect than men. The Arab, who had seen a lot, was also surprised that the spouses here did not seem to be jealous of each other. He was also surprised by the system of inheritance: the inheritance passed to the son of the sister of the deceased, and not to his own children (We are talking about one of the most important and widespread traces of the once existing maternal-clan organization: a particularly close relationship between an individual and his mother’s brother, who actually acts in the role of caregiver and educator instead of own father. - Approx. ed.). Ibn Battuta did not meet such a custom anywhere else, except for the “Malabar Indians”.
Ibn Battuta writes in detail about the "friends" of married men and women, that is, extramarital affairs, and reflects on how this can be correlated with the fact that the inhabitants of Walat are religious, regularly praying Muslims.
From Valata to the "city of Mali" was 24 days of travel, if you go fast. Ibn Battuta hired a guide, although, in his own words, he could go on a journey alone, since the road was clear and there was no need to be afraid of robbers. Huge trees grew along the road, such that one could "give shade to the whole caravan." The ease of travel fascinated him: it was not necessary to carry food or money with him, it was enough to take salt. When a traveler came to the city, local women immediately put millet, sour milk, chicken, rice, thick stew and bean flour in front of him. Ibn Battuta, however, was concerned about whether rice was bad for the white man's health.
After 10 days, Ibn Battuta arrived in the village of Diagari, where there were both white and black merchants. Then Ibn Battuta with a guide came to a large river, which, in his opinion, could be the Nile. Of course, it was Niger, as the chronicler's geographic comments indicate, although not all of the names he listed can be identified. He arrived at the river near the city of Karsahu. From there, the river descended to Kabaret, then to Diaga - both of these points were subject to the sultans, vassals of the king of Mali. Ibn Battuta adds that the inhabitants of Dyagi have already converted to Islam long ago, they are pious and strive for knowledge.
From Diaga the river (here Ibn Battuta again erroneously calls it the Nile) went to Tonbuktu (Timbuktu) and to Gao-Gao (Gao) and finally to Muli, which was the outskirts of Mali. Further, the river rushed to Yufi, one of the most prominent, according to Ibn Battuta, states of the Sudan, the ruler of which is one of the most powerful sultans of that country. Ibn Battuta heard that not a single white had yet returned from the country of Yufi - blacks killed all the newcomers.
In Karsakh an Arab chronicler saw a crocodile. Before leaving for Mali, Ibn Battuta wrote about his arrival to an Arab there and, upon arriving at the place, stayed with him "in the white quarter of the city." Immediately upon arrival, he felt the hospitality of the townspeople: he was given food supplies more than required. However, the local food played a cruel joke on him: 10 days after the arrival of Ibn Battuta, together with his companions, he tasted kafi porridge, after which everyone fell ill. Ibn Battuta lost consciousness during the morning prayer, and one of the six participants in the meal died. An Arab chronicler received an emetic from an Egyptian, but still fell ill for two whole months.
About the king of Mali Manse Suleiman, Ibn Battuta writes that he was "a stingy sovereign, from whom it is pointless to expect a worthy gift." Mansa Suleiman arranged a feast on the occasion of the death of the Fess Sultan Abu Hasan, in which Ibn Battuta also took part. However, he failed to attract the attention of the king and received from him only the usual welcome gift, namely: three round loaves, a piece of roast beef and sour milk. accustomed to hospitality the mighty of the world this, famous traveler does not hide his disappointment: "I laughed and could not help but marvel at the spiritual poverty of these people, the poverty of their mind, and also the dubious honor that their miserable gift meant."
After this gift, Ibn Battuta did not receive from Suleiman for two months "exactly nothing, although he attended receptions and welcomed the king." In the end, he asked to speak at the reception and declared that, having lived in the city for four months, he had not yet received anything from the king. He said that he had traveled to all parts of the world, and asked in no uncertain terms what he should say to other rulers about such an attitude. When Mansa Suleiman replied that he had never seen Ibn Battuta before, the latter's friends reminded him that he greeted the king and received refreshments from him. The incident brought the desired results: Ibn Battuta was given a house and the king took care of his daily expenses. And when later Ibn Battuta left Mali to continue his journey, the king gave him 100 ducats.
About the audience hall of the king - it was obviously a building built by es-Sahel - as well as about the reception ceremony, Ibn Battuta gives detailed information. To some extent, the decoration of the hall and forms of reception were the same as in Ghana.
The high domed hall has an entrance from the palace. Adjoining it is an audience hall with three arched windows, wooden structures which are sheathed with sheet silver. Below them are three other windows, with gold and copper plates. There are woolen curtains on the windows, which are parted when the king is sitting in his hall ... 300 slaves come out of the doors of the palace, some with bows, others with darts and shields; some sit down, others remain standing. As soon as the king takes his place, three slaves rush to call his entourage. Senior leaders arrive, as well as preachers and experts in the law; they sit on the right and left in front of the armed guards.
Duga, the translator, stands in the doorway in magnificent clothes made of excellent finest silk, on his head a turban with a border - blacks are very skillful in twisting turbans. A sword in a golden scabbard hangs around the neck of the arc, and boots with spurs are on the legs. In his hands he has two darts, one golden, the other silver, and their points are of gold. Commanders, rulers, pashas or eunuchs, people from the Mesuf (merchants - Berbers and Saracoles) sit outside the council in a wide area surrounded by trees. Before each chief of his warriors with spears and bows, horns (horns are made of elephant tusks) and other musical instruments made of reeds and gourds. Each commander has a quiver, which he hangs between his shoulder blades, and holds a bow in his hand and sits on horseback.
The interpreter was an important person at the court of Mansa Suleiman: everyone who wanted to speak with the king had to address his words to him through an interpreter. Sometimes the king held an audience outside the building. Ibn Battuta describes this ceremony as well.
Then an elevation is built under the tree, to which three steps lead.
It is called al-banbi. It is covered with silk, pillows are placed on it, a canopy is raised above it, which resembles a silk tent, on its top a golden bird the size of a hawk. The king leaves the palace through a side door, with a bow in his hand and a quiver on his shoulder.
On the head of the sovereign there is a golden cap, which is fixed with a golden braid, the ends of a shibr*, shaped like knives, rise above it.
Most often, he is dressed in a tunic made of red fleecy European fabric, called al-mutanfas. Behind him come 300 armed slaves.
Singers come out in front of the sovereign, in their hands are gold and silver konborough whistles (lit. "larks"). The sovereign walks slowly, with dignity, sometimes even stopping. When he reaches al-banbi, he stops and looks at his assistants. Then he slowly ascends to the platform, like a preacher to the pulpit. When he sits down, drums beat, horns and trumpets play. After that, 300 slaves run to their places.
They bring two horses under the saddle and two rams and put them in their proper place.
Their task is to protect the king from the evil eye. Then the interpreter takes his place.
The subjects of the king sit in the square in the shade of the trees.
*(Shibr - about 18 cm. - Approx. ed.)
According to Ibn Battuta, Africans, more than any other people, express reverence and devotion to their sovereign. For example, as a sign of respect, they take off their clothes and dress in rags. They crawl up to the king on their knees and, in a prayerful pose, beat their elbows on the ground. The ritual also includes sprinkling sand on the head and back, "just like washing with water." Ibn Battuta was amazed that the dust and sand did not fall into the eyes of the subjects and did not blind them.
The Arab chronicler also took part in the celebration of the sacrifice on the occasion of the end of the fast. The Malians, all in white, gathered near the palace of Mansa Suleiman. The sovereign arrived there on horseback. A judge, a preacher and experts in the law walked before him, repeatedly proclaiming: "There is no god but Allah, and God is omnipotent." Near the place of prayer there was a tent, where the Sultan retired to prepare for the ceremony. When he returned to his seat and the preacher began to preach, the interpreter began to translate and explain it to the Malians in their language. The sermon consisted, according to Ibn Battuta, of warnings, remarks, praises of the sovereign and calls to show him the respect befitting his rank.
The celebration was attended by military leaders whose equipment impressed Ibn Battuta. Undoubtedly, the personal weapons of the commanders spoke of considerable wealth: their bows and quivers were decorated with gold and silver, as well as sabers, scabbards and spears. Amid all this luxury, Ibn Battuta made a very prosaic observation: four emirs sat near the Sultan, whose task was to drive away flies! But Ibn Battuta's greatest attention was still attracted by the translator, whose special position was indicated by the fact that he was accompanied by a retinue of four legal wives and about a hundred concubines and slaves. All of them, he said, were dressed in gold and silver.
When the interpreter sat down in his place, which was higher than the others, he was given musical instrument from reeds and bells (balafon), and he began to sing about military successes and glorious deeds of the sovereign. The wives sang along with him, and they were accompanied by an orchestra of slaves playing tambourines. The musicians were dressed in red tunics and white caps. After them, young people and children performed - they danced and fenced with sabers. Then it was the translator's turn to show his skill, and he did such exercises with the sword that Mansa Suleiman gave him a purse with 20 bowls of golden sand with a grand gesture. During this ceremony, the military leaders rattled their bows, expressing praise to their master.
After the interpreter, singers (dyali) in feather costumes, wearing red masks with large beaks, climbed onto the platform. “In this ridiculous attire,” they called on Suleiman’s mansa to good, bold deeds and generosity in a song: “And earlier on this platform sat a king who showed generosity, and another who was bold. See that you also do a lot of good, so that you are remembered after your death! According to Ibn Battuta, the wishes were justified, especially in regard to generosity. He repeatedly emphasized that Mansa Suleiman was stingy and his subjects did not like him precisely for this.
According to Ibn Battuta, the predecessors of Suleiman's mansa, Mansa Magan (Magan I) and Mansa Musa, were "generous and benevolent". In confirmation, he cites the fact that Mansa Musa gave the builder Abu Ishak al-Sahili (es-Saheli) 4,000 ducats in one day. He also talks about Ibn Shaykh Ali, who lent Mansa Musa as a child 7? ducats. The sheikh recalled the debt when Musa was already king. Mansa Musa turned to the advisers, and they advised him to pay the Sheikh 70 ducats, and the king immediately paid the creditor not 70, but 700 ducats. This story was confirmed by Ibn Battuta, the son of the Sheikh, who was a Qur'anic teacher in Mali.
Although Mansa Musa was delightfully generous compared to Mansa Suleiman, he was not, according to Ibn Battuta, too trusting, and he was not easily fooled. Farba Maga, who accompanied the Mansa during the Hajj, told the chronicler the story of a Muslim judge named Abu-l-Abbas.
The judge received 4,000 ducats from Mansa Musa for safekeeping. When they arrived at Memu, the judge told the king that the money had been stolen from him. Mansa Musa summoned the ruler of Mema and ordered him, on pain of death, to look into this incident. The case was investigated, but the thief was not found. In the end, the judge's servant came to Mansa Musa and said that no one had stolen the money - the judge himself hid it. Mansa Musa ordered the servant to bring the money, and when he was convinced that the judge was trying to deceive him, he drove him away from Mali, to the "land of the pagan cannibals." Four years later, the king allowed the judge to return to his homeland. Ibn Battuta explains that the judge remained alive by the fact that, according to available information, the meat of white people is not tasty enough (lit. "ripe"). “Blacks love black meat, only it is quite tasty and juicy.”
Ibn Battuta also relates an incident related to cannibals. For Manse, Suleimanu arrived a group of "Negro-cannibals", Mansa seemed to give them a woman to the maid on this occasion. The cannibals killed her and ate her, and then, smeared with her blood, appeared before the mansa. Such hospitality of Suleiman's mansa in relation to the cannibals is explained by the fact that their lands were rich in gold. The cannibals apparently had good relations with foreign merchants; Ibn Battuta relates that they were dressed in silk.
In his stories, Ibn Battuta tried to evaluate the Malians and their customs. The positive features of blacks, in his opinion, were the following:
Few injustices. Negroes hate injustice more than any other people.
Complete security. The traveler does not need to be afraid of thieves or robbers.
If a white man (also an Arab) dies here, then his property is given for safekeeping to a trusted person until his neighbors come for him.
Regularity of prayers. Blacks diligently carry out the precepts of Islam and make sure that the children also follow them.
Nice clothes on Fridays. If a black man has only one garment, he cleans it before beginning prayers.
Diligent memorization of the Quran by heart. (Ibn Battuta saw a young man in chains in Mali and asked if he was a murderer. But he was told that the young man was chained only in order to study the Koran more diligently.)
Ibn Battuta notes the following deplorable customs:
Servants, concubines and little girls appear naked before the men.
In the palace of the king, women go about naked and with open faces.
As a sign of respect, blacks sprinkle themselves with ashes and earth.
Griots, when performing poetry, do not show respect for the Sultan.
Many eat carrion - the corpses of dogs and donkeys.
Ibn Battuta stayed in Mali under Mansa Suleiman for eight months. He returned in several stages. He first traveled by camel to Mema, traveling in the company of a merchant named Abu Bakr. Then he went on a pirogue along the river through the country of the Songhai. He used the camel out of economy (which Ibn Battuta disapproved of in other people, especially kings), as a horse would cost him 100 ducats. After spending about a month in Gao, Ibn Battuta joined the caravan going to Takeddah, with which, among other things, 600 slave girls were sent to Sijilmasa and Fes.
In Songhai Ibn Battuta a young slave was given as a gift, and in Takeddah he bought himself a slave girl, although they were expensive there, since the inhabitants of this shopping center were, according to him, rich. A well-bred slave, such as Ibn Battuta bought for himself, cost 25 ducats.
It is said that Ibn Battuta's reports reflect the typical Arab contempt for blacks, but it must be said that he is ready to give Africans their due when they, in his opinion, deserve it. And it is quite clear that the much-travelled Arab would not compare the Malian court with others he had seen if the furnishings and etiquette in Mali were not comparable to other courts of that time, and he would hardly have been so eager to receive the same in Mali. respectful treatment, as in other places.
From a historical point of view, it is worth remembering that under Mansa Suleiman, Mali has already experienced its heyday. Internal intrigues also began to make themselves felt, as indicated by the case described by Ibn Battuta:
During my stay, it happened that the Sultan became angry with his beloved wife, who was the daughter of his paternal uncle. Her name was Kasa, which means queen.
According to Sudanese customs, she was a co-ruler of the king and her name was mentioned along with his name. The sovereign imprisoned her along with one military leader and took another wife in her place, Bandya, who was not of royal blood.
The people talked a lot about this and did not approve of the king’s act ... The military leaders also spoke in defense of Kasa, and therefore the king called them to the council room, and the translator told them on behalf of the mansa: “You talk a lot in defense of Kasa, but she is guilty of a serious crime ". Then one of Casa's slaves was brought in, with stocks on her feet and hands. She was told: "Tell me everything you know."
The slave told that Kasa sent her to Jatal, cousin king who fled from Mansa to Canburn. Casa urged him to dethrone the king and informed him that she and the whole army were ready to recognize him as king. When the warlords heard this, they said, "Indeed, this is a serious crime and she deserves to die."
Thus, Mansa Suleiman learned about the existence of the conspiracy in time and saved his position by decisive actions. The kings who came to power in Mali after him were not always so lucky: conspiracies and feuds over succession followed one after another, and royal power began to weaken. The heyday of the second Western Sudanese golden kingdom has irrevocably passed.
While in the XIV century Europe was shaken by internecine wars, attacks by the Turks and the black plague, in West Africa empire flourished Mali. The then ruler Mansa Musa had a fortune that made him the richest man of all time.
When talking about rich people, you most likely think of Bill Gates, Rockefeller, Warren Buffett, Carlos Slim, or the Rothschild family. But, according to the unanimous opinion of historians, the richest man who ever lived was the Muslim ruler of Mali, Mansa Musa.
The word "mansa" means "king, ruler". Mansa Musa ruled the Malian Empire from 1312 to 1337. and attracted the attention of Europeans and Arabs after his famous Hajj (pilgrimage) to Mecca in 1324.
By modern estimates, during this ritual journey, crossing many countries, Manse Musa had to dispose of 400 billion dollars! On the way to Mecca, he did not skimp on giving zakat to the poor and building houses and mosques.
At that time, the Mali Empire included such states as Mauritania, Senegal, Gambia, Guinea, Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, Nigeria and Chad. This vast empire stretched two thousand miles from Atlantic Ocean in the west to Lake Chad in the east.
Shortly after Musa assumed the reins of power after Abu Bakri II in 1312, he, as a pious Muslim, began to prepare for the pilgrimage. During the years of preparation for the Hajj, Mansa Musa used the useful knowledge and resources of his rich land. Malian scholars helped plan the pilgrimage. Mansa Musa was well prepared and knew a lot about the cities through which he would have to make his way to Mecca. After 12 years, he was ready.
In 1324, Mansa Musa went on a pilgrimage and took with him thousands of servants (according to some sources, about 60,000). With them went more than 80 camels loaded with 300 pounds of gold and other necessary goods. Their journey was more than 4,000 kilometers long.
Mansa Musa was accompanied by 1200 slaves, and each carried golden decoration. During the journey, stops were made in the Egyptian cities of Alexandria and Cairo, where he attracted great interest from Arabs and Europeans. It is related that in his kindness and generosity he gave most of his gold to the poor he met on the streets of Cairo and Alexandria, and every Friday at the stops he laid the foundation for the construction of a mosque all the way to Mecca.
At that time, his state was at the peak of development, and therefore the procession was impressive: Musa was accompanied by up to 60,000 people, as well as herds of camels and other animals. All together they carried several tons of gold, which the ruler generously distributed to the poor all the way to Mecca or exchanged for souvenirs.
The consequences of his generosity were felt many years later in Egypt, Mecca and Medina, as all this led to the fall of local economies due to the decrease in the price of gold.
Mansa Musa soon became one of the most famous people in Arab world and in Europe. About him, the African golden king, stories were written by both Italian merchants and Egyptians. All this brought Mansa Musa such fame that he was especially noted on geographical maps Arabs and Europeans. One of these maps has been well preserved to this day - an ancient Italian map.
Impact of his trip
Returning home, Mansa Musa took with him many Arab scholars, architects and managers to help him build the now famous historical buildings that are located in the cities of Gao and Timbuktu (Timbuktu). Timbuktu became a famous scientific, cultural and prosperous trading city in those years. A city where people from Europe, Asia and North Africa sought to get in to study, engage in trade and just live.
Timbuktu is a city in north-central Mali, 13 km north of the Niger River. Timbuktu reached its economic peak in 1312-1337. and was an intellectual and Islamic spiritual center. The first descriptions of the city were made in 1353. Timbuktu is still the most important cultural heritage Islamic civilization.
Funny story: one of the descendants of the Prophet Muhammad ...
Funny story: one of the descendants of the prophet Muhammad went to Timbuktu to teach Malian Muslims there, but he did not pass entrance exams to study in a madrasah. He was told to study for three more years so that he could become a student at the University of Timbuktu.
The heritage of Arab and Andalusian architects consists of several masterpieces such as the Djingareber Cathedral Mosque, which is part of the University of Timbuktu. It is one of the three madrasahs (Jingereber, Sankore and Sidi Yahya) that are part of the university and are on the UNESCO World Heritage List.
Islamic science received a huge impetus to development thanks to the trip of Mansa Musa, as many new madrasahs and libraries were built and grew along with Islamic knowledge. At the same time, Islamic leaders and neighboring kingdoms increased the exchange of trade, communication and exchange of knowledge between scholars became available, poets began to meet and gather together more often ... All this made Timbuktu the center of Islamic spirituality, knowledge and trade in Africa.
After the death of Mansa Musa in 1337, his son Maghan became Mansa. But his reign did not last long. Attacks from Morocco and the kingdom of Songhai soon led to the collapse of this great Islamic kingdom.
Interesting fact: Mansa Musa is mentioned in computer game Civilization IV, e
